Understanding the American Revolution: Issues and Actors, Greene Jack P.
Автор: Middlekauff Robert Название: The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 ISBN: 019531588X ISBN-13(EAN): 9780195315882 Издательство: Oxford Academ Рейтинг: Цена: 23750.00 T Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ. Описание: This critically acclaimed volume-a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize-offers an unsurpassed history of the Revolutionary War and the birth of the American republic. Beginning with the French and Indian War and continuing to the election of George Washington as first president, Robert Middlekauff offers a panoramic history of the conflict between England and America, highlighting the drama and anguish of the colonial struggle for independence. Combining the politicaland the personal, he provides a compelling account of the key events that precipitated the war, a vivid description of the war itself, and an insightful look at the making of the Constitution and the struggle over ratification. Through it all, Middlekauff gives the reader a vivid sense of how thecolonists saw these events and the importance they gave to them. This new edition has been revised and expanded, with fresh coverage of topics such as mob reactions to British measures before the War, military medicine, women`s role in the Revolution, American Indians, the different kinds of war fought by the Americans and the British, and the ratification of the Constitution. It also features a new epilogue and an updated bibliography.
Автор: Lytle Hernбndez Kelly Название: Bad Mexicans: Race, Empire, and Revolution in the Borderlands ISBN: 1324004371 ISBN-13(EAN): 9781324004370 Издательство: Wiley Рейтинг: Цена: 29550.00 T Наличие на складе: Поставка под заказ. Описание: "Rebel historian" Kelly Lytle Hernandez reframes our understanding of U.S. history in this groundbreaking narrative of revolution in the borderlands.
Название: Fidel in the Cuban Socialist Revolution: Understanding the Cuban Revolution (1959-1961) ISBN: 1642593702 ISBN-13(EAN): 9781642593709 Издательство: Mare Nostrum (Eurospan) Рейтинг: Цена: 31680.00 T Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ. Описание: In never before published speeches from 1959 and 1960, Fidel Castro charts the path forward for a socialist Cuba.
Автор: Allison Robert J. Название: The American Revolution: A Very Short Introduction ISBN: 0190225068 ISBN-13(EAN): 9780190225063 Издательство: Oxford Academ Рейтинг: Цена: 11950.00 T Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ. Описание: Between 1760 and 1800, the people of the United States created a new nation, based on the idea that all people have the right to govern themselves. This Very Short Introduction recreates the experiences that led to the Revolution; the experience of war; and the post-war creation of a new political society.
Автор: Jowett, Philip S. Quesada, Alejandro De Название: The Mexican Revolution 1910–20 ISBN: 1841769894 ISBN-13(EAN): 9781841769899 Издательство: Osprey Рейтинг: Цена: 14840.00 T Наличие на складе: Нет в наличии. Описание: Offers the history of the Mexican Revolution. Apart from the guerrilla operations, for which the Revolution is best-known, this book also covers several major battles that involved up to 20,000 men on each side, barbed wire, trenches and machine guns.
Автор: Fowler Salamini Heather Название: Working Women, Entrepreneurs, and the Mexican Revolution ISBN: 0803243715 ISBN-13(EAN): 9780803243712 Издательство: Wiley EDC Рейтинг: Цена: 44610.00 T Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ. Описание:
In the 1890s, Spanish entrepreneurs spearheaded the emergence of C?rdoba, Veracruz, as Mexico’s largest commercial center for coffee preparation and export to the Atlantic community. Seasonal women workers quickly became the major part of the agroindustry’s labor force. As they grew in numbers and influence in the first half of the twentieth century, these women shaped the workplace culture and contested gender norms through labor union activism and strong leadership. Their fight for workers’ rights was supported by the revolutionary state and negotiated within its industrial-labor institutions until they were replaced by machines in the 1960s.
Heather Fowler-Salamini’s Working Women, Entrepreneurs, and the Mexican Revolution analyzes the interrelationships between the region’s immigrant entrepreneurs, workforce, labor movement, gender relations, and culture on the one hand, and social revolution, modernization, and the Atlantic community on the other between the 1890s and the 1960s. Using extensive archival research and oral-history interviews, Fowler-Salamini illustrates the ways in which the immigrant and women’s work cultures transformed C?rdoba’s regional coffee economy and in turn influenced the development of the nation’s coffee agro-export industry and its labor force.
Автор: Casavantes Bradford Anita Название: The Revolution Is for the Children: The Politics of Childhood in Havana and Miami, 1959-1962 ISBN: 146961152X ISBN-13(EAN): 9781469611525 Издательство: Mare Nostrum (Eurospan) Рейтинг: Цена: 38810.00 T Наличие на складе: Есть у поставщика Поставка под заказ. Описание: Since 1959, the Cuban revolutionary government has proudly proclaimed that ""the revolution is for the children."" Many Cuban Americans reject this claim, asserting that they chose exile in the United States to protect their children from the evils of ""Castro-communism."" Anita Casavantes Bradford's analysis of the pivotal years between the Revolution's triumph and the 1962 Missile Crisis uncovers how and when children were first pressed into political service by ideologically opposed Cuban communities on both sides of the Florida Straits. Casavantes Bradford argues that, in Havana, the Castro government deployed a morally charged ""politics of childhood"" to steer a nationalist and reformist revolution toward socialism. At the same time, Miami exile leaders put children at the heart of efforts to mobilise opposition to Castro's regime and to link the well-being of Cuban refugees to U.S. Cold War foreign policy objectives. Casavantes Bradford concludes that the 1999 Elían González custody battle was the most notorious recent manifestation of the ongoing struggle to define and control Cuban childhood, revealing the persistent centrality of children to Cuban politics and national identity.
This history will endure; not only because Sir Winston has written it, but also because of its own inherent virtues - its narrative power, its fine judgment of war and politics, of soldiers and statesmen, and even more because it reflects a tradition of what Englishmen in the hey-day of their empire thought and felt about their country's past. The Daily Telegraph
Spanning four volumes and many centuries of history, from Caesar's invasion of Britain to the start of World War I, A History of the English-Speaking Peoples stands as one of Winston Churchill's most magnificent literary works. Begun during Churchill's 'wilderness years' when he was out of government, first published in 1956 after his leadership through the darkest days of World War II had cemented his place in history and completed when Churchill was in his 80s, it remains to this day a compelling and vivid history. In The Age of Revolution - the third volume of Churchill's history - Churchill charts the rise of Great Britain as a world power and the long rivalry with France, the shadow of the French Revolution, the rise of Napoleon and his defeat at Waterloo. The volume also covers the rise of the American colonies, their triumphant overthrow of British rule in the War of Independence and the first great generation of American leaders: Washington, Adams and Jefferson.
From the start of the French Revolution, contemporary observers were struck by the overwhelming theatricality of political events. Examples of convergence between theater and politics included the election of dramatic actors to powerful political and military positions and reports that deputies to the National Assembly were taking acting lessons and planting paid "claqueurs" in the audience to applaud their employers on demand. Meanwhile, in a mock national assembly that gathered in an enormous circus pavilion in the center of Paris, spectators paid for the privilege of acting the role of political representatives for a day.Paul Friedland argues that politics and theater became virtually indistinguishable during the Revolutionary period because of a parallel evolution in the theories of theatrical and political representation. Prior to the mid-eighteenth century, actors on political and theatrical stages saw their task as embodying a fictional entity—in one case a character in a play, in the other, the corpus mysticum of the French nation. Friedland details the significant ways in which after 1750 the work of both was redefined. Dramatic actors were coached to portray their parts abstractly, in a manner that seemed realistic to the audience. With the creation of the National Assembly, abstract representation also triumphed in the political arena. In a break from the past, this legislature did not claim to be the nation, but rather to speak on its behalf. According to Friedland, this new form of representation brought about a sharp demarcation between actors—on both stages—and their audience, one that relegated spectators to the role of passive observers of a performance that was given for their benefit but without their direct participation. Political Actors, a landmark contribution to eighteenth-century studies, furthers understanding not only of the French Revolution but also of the very nature of modern representative democracy.
A tale of sin and redemption, Joseph U. Lenti’s Redeeming the Revolution demonstrates how the killing of hundreds of student protestors in Mexico City’s Tlatelolco district on October 2–3, 1968, sparked a crisis of legitimacy that moved Mexican political leaders to reestablish their revolutionary credentials with the working class, a sector only tangentially connected to the bloodbath. State-allied labor groups hence became darlings of public policy in the post-Tlatelolco period, and with the implementation of the New Federal Labor Law of 1970, the historical symbiotic relationship of the government and organized labor was restored.
Renewing old bonds with trusted allies such as the Confederation of Mexican Workers bore fruit for the regime, yet the road to redemption was fraught with peril during this era of Cold War and class contestation. While Luis Echeverría, Fidel Velázquez, and other officials appeased union brass with discourses of revolutionary populism and policies that challenged business leaders, conflicts emerged, and repression ensued when rank-and-file workers criticized the chasm between rhetoric and reality and tested their leaders’ limits of toleration.
A tale of sin and redemption, Joseph U. Lenti’s Redeeming the Revolution demonstrates how the killing of hundreds of student protestors in Mexico City’s Tlatelolco district on October 2–3, 1968, sparked a crisis of legitimacy that moved Mexican political leaders to reestablish their revolutionary credentials with the working class, a sector only tangentially connected to the bloodbath. State-allied labor groups hence became darlings of public policy in the post-Tlatelolco period, and with the implementation of the New Federal Labor Law of 1970, the historical symbiotic relationship of the government and organized labor was restored.
Renewing old bonds with trusted allies such as the Confederation of Mexican Workers bore fruit for the regime, yet the road to redemption was fraught with peril during this era of Cold War and class contestation. While Luis Echeverría, Fidel Velázquez, and other officials appeased union brass with discourses of revolutionary populism and policies that challenged business leaders, conflicts emerged, and repression ensued when rank-and-file workers criticized the chasm between rhetoric and reality and tested their leaders’ limits of toleration.
From the start of the French Revolution, contemporary observers were struck by the overwhelming theatricality of political events. Examples of convergence between theater and politics included the election of dramatic actors to powerful political and military positions and reports that deputies to the National Assembly were taking acting lessons and planting paid "claqueurs" in the audience to applaud their employers on demand. Meanwhile, in a mock national assembly that gathered in an enormous circus pavilion in the center of Paris, spectators paid for the privilege of acting the role of political representatives for a day.Paul Friedland argues that politics and theater became virtually indistinguishable during the Revolutionary period because of a parallel evolution in the theories of theatrical and political representation. Prior to the mid-eighteenth century, actors on political and theatrical stages saw their task as embodying a fictional entity—in one case a character in a play, in the other, the corpus mysticum of the French nation. Friedland details the significant ways in which after 1750 the work of both was redefined. Dramatic actors were coached to portray their parts abstractly, in a manner that seemed realistic to the audience. With the creation of the National Assembly, abstract representation also triumphed in the political arena. In a break from the past, this legislature did not claim to be the nation, but rather to speak on its behalf. According to Friedland, this new form of representation brought about a sharp demarcation between actors—on both stages—and their audience, one that relegated spectators to the role of passive observers of a performance that was given for their benefit but without their direct participation. Political Actors, a landmark contribution to eighteenth-century studies, furthers understanding not only of the French Revolution but also of the very nature of modern representative democracy.
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